Book - Sacrifice of Africa: A Political Theology for Africa by Emmaneul Katongole

Introduction

This summary was drawn from a focused critique in a 2024 Christian political theology research work. Modifications have been made for easier reading.

The author’s concerns were two-fold: why is regression prevalent in Africa despite modernity? And why is death preponderant in Africa despite Christianity? His intellectual journey led him to Christian theologian Stanley Hauerwas’ reflections which connect politics, stories and identity.^[1]  The clash between Hauerwas’ influence and his encounter with the 1994 Rwanda genocide forced him to radically re-examine his assumptions on the nation-state and Christianity respectively.^[2] The outcome of his re-examination forms the central argument in The Sacrifice of Africa – A Political Theology for Africa.

Argument

His central argument, “is that at the heart of Africa’s inception into modernity is a lie.” He stressed that modernity didn’t bring salvation to Africa rather it rejected both Africans and Africa. This rejection was constructed and propagated by European colonial invaders in stories that see nothing excellent, dignifying and progressive in Africans and Africa. These stories underpin life-denying and life-dispensable colonial policies that sacrificed and destroyed Africans institutionally through the nation-state. This situation is continued by their indigenous postcolonial successors.^[3] He argued for a new African future grounded by new stories to counteract dangers of an unreformed postcolonial nation-state.^[4] Katongole argued that comprehensive reimagination of political theological reflections “requires a different story that assumes the sacred value and dignity of Africans and Africa, and is thus able to shape practices and policies, or new forms of politics, that reflect this sacredness and dignity.”^[5] His position is a path to the transformation of the nation-state in Africa. A critique of his book will now be made focusing on three themes: indigenous religions, African culture and nation-state examples.

Critique

Firstly, the absence of African religious and theological reflections needs further treatment. This position emerged despite Katongole’s démarche for Christianity in Africa to “move beyond the narrow spiritual and pastoral areas to which it is consigned and claim full competence in the social, material, and political realities of life in Africa.”^[6] The démarche refreshes the demand of relevant political theology for inclusivity of all realities. Therefore, avoidance of indigenous religions and theological contributions in Christian theological reflections generates an incomplete notion of Africa’s reimagination. Contemporary indigenous religious realities guide the recovery of authentic memories lost in colonial struggle and postcolonial instability. Mbiti emphasised that for Africans, belief in God is ancient and central. Indigenous religions are and remain the superstructure of communities, the definer of being and regulator of existence.^[7] Therefore a relevant Christian political theology of Africa in the 21^st century that avoids indigenous religions runs the risk of being exclusive and elitist. It is also erroneous to present a comprehensive image of Africa solely defined by Christianity and Islam, considering that each of these religions is barely 2000 years old.

Secondly, we also argue that Katongole’s inputs on African heritage are inadequate. Peoples’ existence including their beliefs and worship are conditioned by dynamics of time and space. Bediako stressed that Christianity is always indigenous implying that the Gospel becomes relevant precisely when it correlates with the (African) cultural grounds that nourish peoples’ sense of meaning, purpose and identity.^[8] A nuanced assessment of African culture could have expanded the depth of its rich traditions while offering an ideological grounding for legitimising the gospel. Katongole’s limited treatment of African heritage as a vehicle of ancient memories only left it as an insufficient and misunderstood treasure that misrepresents the past. A people without clarity of their past are likely to sustain its devaluation as exemplified in their hijack by thoughtless nationalists and historically unconscious postcolonial leaders to justify their unreformed rule in nation-states.^[9]

Such reduction of indigeneity to the level of undifferentiated culture deny their intrinsic narratives of hope while erroneously continuing the colonial mission of Africans’ devaluation and dehumanisation. Ela condemned such irrelevant postcolonial Christian theological reflections predicated on presenting a version of Christianity without indigenous religious contributions.[10] Indigenous religions are more than cultures because cultures derive their legitimacy from them. Mathie illustrated how indigenous memories, practices and rituals have sustained communities in the face of externally imposed colonial and postcolonial oppression.^[11] Instability of postcolonial nation-states by ineffective leaders rob these leaders of any legitimacy especially in connection with African culture.

For example, in West Africa’s indigenous religious open-ended and relational universe, the supreme being or first Ancestor is a transcendent One God amidst non-competing deities. God is concerned with peoples’ destiny in human dignity and love without infringing on God’s soteriological prerogative.^[12] Uzukwu showed that African worldview consists of God, deities, spirits, revered ancestors and human beings. This orderly created universe is good, is underpinned by relatedness for harmony, is organised in hierarchy of relationships and empowers mediators.^[13] Metuh argued that deities are intermediaries between God and men who act as “messengers of God sent by him to superintend different sections of the universe.”^[14] Hence the healthy pursuit and realisation of shared destiny of the community for the integral wellbeing of persons is effected before God, deities, spirits and revered ancestors. Therefore, in God’s relationality, deities and spirits work harmoniously with human beings.

Uzukwu argued further that indigenous West African kings are enthroned as God’s representatives whose authorities are deputed by administrators and intermediaries representing all community groups as those closer to the people thereby creating decentralisation or diffusion of power.^[15] Replication of God’s distance-nearness in the political spaces of Asante, Yoruba, Igbo, Akan and other African nations act as mechanisms against dictatorship and autocracy. This reflection connects to “African oligarchic monarchies, geared towards “compromise,” enjoy the advantage of being “closer to the people” over autocratic monarchies introduced under Islamic influence.”^[16] An inclusive monotheism signals an awareness that divinity must be mediated to avoid dangerous outcomes. In contrast exclusive monotheism underpins the political (violent) template of the Christendom introduced into Christian theology based on Greek assumptions.^[17] In African religions, God can’t be reduced to a deity instrumentalised for (violent) power struggle. This understanding presents rich offerings for reimagination of African Christian political theology. As Eggan echoed in Uzukwu that, ”even without idealising the kingship-order, one must admit that religious fanaticism has little place in African traditions, where a centralised, war-generating force that mobilises people for genocidal projects is hard to conceive. The Ruandan or Angolan experiences rather prove than disprove this.”^[18]  The lack of positive examples will now be considered.

Lastly, the lack of positive nation-state examples is unsatisfactory given that inclusivity of all reality marks a relevant political theology. Katongole’s work unveiled problems and insightful solutions including examples of authentic praxis of African Christian people who transformed spaces of oppression and death into oases of dignity and life. Admittedly, these are very costly in blood. Nevertheless, three African countries so far escaped postcolonial instability. These are Tanzania, Botswana and Namibia. Tanzania and Botswana had non-violent independence while Namibia’s came after decades-long violent conflict. Each of them have been secure and stable since independence. None of them have experienced military rule or disorderly transfer of power. Without essentialising the nation-state, these countries testify to “a different story that assumes the sacred value and dignity of Africa and Africans, and is thus able to shape practices and policies, or new forms of politics, that reflect this sacredness and dignity.”^[19]

Conclusion

These stories are different and contrary. They are cheerful testimonies and life-giving memories in these political spaces. This is critical in Nigeria’s case. Leadership in these countries certainly follows positive imaginative trajectories that not only offer hope but show peoples’ solidarity and the security of their dignity. These leaderships seem to heed Pope Paul VI’s warning that, “it is therefore necessary both to resist the temptation of violence and to avoid and repress the abuse of power”.[20] Inter-ethnic struggle is unfounded while internal security in those countries remain strategically uncompromised since independence.

Governments in the three countries are exempt from abuse of culture and unimaginative leadership.^[21] Tanzania’s first leader, Julius Nyerere, integrated indigenous Ujamaa concept nested in geostrategic and geoeconomic policies for a country with limited economic resources.^[22] He’s a beacon of hope given that the ongoing cause for his beatification in the Catholic Church is reflected upon for its political (theological) implications.^[23] It can be argued that such legacy reflects life-affirming and life-giving aspects of African culture. Such leadership correctly discerned hope at independence and it’s sustenance to the present times align with Katongole’s anticipation.

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[1] Emmanuel Katongole, The Sacrifice of Africa: A Political Theology for Africa  (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011), 7 – 8.

[2] Ibid., 8 – 9.

[3] Ibid., 20 – 21.

[4] Ibid., 2 – 3.

[5] Ibid., 21.

[6] Ibid., 19.

[7] John S Mbiti, Introduction to African Religion (Long Grove: Waveland Press, 2015), ix – xi.

[8] Kwame Bediako, Theology and Identity: The Impact of Culture upon Christian Thought in the Second Century and in Modern Africa (Costa Mesa, CA: Regnum Books International, 1992), 305.

[9] Emmanuel Katongole, The Sacrifice of Africa: A Political Theology for Africa  (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011), 54 – 56.

[10] Jean-Marc Ela, My Faith as an African (Maryknoll, Orbis Books, 1999), 166 – 167.

[11] Ian Mathie, Bride Price (Kenilworth: Mosaique Press, 2011), 92 – 99, 102 – 104, 136 – 145.

[12] Elochukwu Eugene Uzukwu, God, Spirit, and Human Wholeness: Appropriating Faith and Culture in West African Style (Eugene: Pickwick Publications, 2012), 110, 122.

[13] Ibid., 61.

[14] Emefie Ikenga Metuh, African Religions in Western Conceptual Schemes: The Problem of Interpretation (Ibadan: Clavarianum Press, 1985), 29.

[15] Elochukwu Eugene Uzukwu, God, Spirit, and Human Wholeness: Appropriating Faith and Culture in West African Style (Eugene: Pickwick Publications, 2012), 71. NB: “Ruandan” is the original spelling obtained from this text.

[16] Ibid.

[17] Ibid., 71 – 72.

[18] Ibid., 84 – 85.

[19] Emmanuel Katongole, The Sacrifice of Africa: A Political Theology for Africa  (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011), 21.

[20] PAUL VI, Apostolic Letter, Africae Terrorum, Rome 29 October 1967, 16.

[21] Ibid., 55, 59.

[22] Julius K Nyerere,  Ujamaa: Essays on Socialism (Dar Es Salaam: Oxford University Press, 1968), 12 – 37.

[23] Bede Ukwuije, “The Political Theology of Pope Francis and its significance for the Church in Nigeria,” Encounter: Journal of African Life and Religion, no. 13 (2019): 119.